Max Sawicky has been lauded for his post on How to be Pro-War Without Being a Hypocrite. Since being unhypocritical is important to me, let me make a few comments on what he has to say.
First off, it should be noted that this is meant to be an analog to Glenn Reynolds’ article on how to be anti-war without being a hypocrite, which I myself lauded here. For some reason, Max seems to think this renders his items immune to criticism as to their logic. Unfortunately, he seems bound by the structure of Reynolds’ article, while trying to turn the content on its head; it doesn’t work very well, frankly.
[M]ost “pro-war” advocates seem reflexively pro-Bush and illiberal, rather than committed to the war aims they typically espouse. In other words, war is domestic politics by other means.
I have no great fondness for Bush’s domestic policies. I didn’t vote for him. I hope to God the Democrats can field someone in 2004 that I can vote for instead of him. I guess that makes me unlike most — though certainly I don’t get the impression that Reynolds (or the other member of the Horsemen, I read, Den Beste) is particularly pro-Bush domestically, or illiberal — depending, of course, on how you define that latter term.
1. Support the UN: Don’t preempt a democratic body’s deliberations by supporting declarations that its decisions will be ignored if they prove to be unsatisfactory. Such declarations are simple extortion and ill behoove a nation stiriving to spread democracy throughout the world.
The UN is a democracy? Since when? To paraphrase Monty Python, “I didn’t vote for them.”
Why, if we’re talking about a “democracy,” is the UN Security Council made up of five veto powers (with little specific relationship to representative world populations), plus an odd assortment of other rotating nations? Does that sound like a democracy? Heck, for all that so many folks criticized how the 2000 elections were decided, that process is a hell of a lot more democratic than the UNSC.
The way the UN is structured, there’s nothing the UNSC can do without negotiating away the threat of a US veto (which doesn’t sound particularly democratic, if that’s the ideal you’re looking for). If the UN doesn’t want to support US actions, frankly, I don’t see the big deal.
Instead of denigrating the role of inspectors — the chosen approach of the UN, adopted at the behest of the U.S. — and discounting their practical effectiveness, how about giving them additional support?
Because inspections under 1441 were not meant to disarm Iraq, but to prove that Iraq had in fact disarmed. It’s baldly obvious that they have not, and Iraq is not in the full, complete compliance with the inspection regime that 1441 demanded. Continuing to support inspections merely plays Hussein’s game, and accomplishes almost nothing.
2. Support the peoples of Iraq. Take note of announcements to the effect that military government, not democracy, will follow regime change in Iraq. Take note of the alarm of the Iraqi opposition, heretofore lauded as the hope for the nation, over their exclusion from post-war planning. Protest the evolving betrayal of the Kurdish people associated with the payoff of the Turkish government.
The anti-war folks have been deriding the Bush administration for failing to have a post-war plan. “You’re going to just abandon them! How can democracy flourish in such a divided country?” So a story is floated that the plan is to impose a military government, as in post-WWII Japan and Germany, to eliminate the Baathist regime, and build the foundations for a return to democracy. So now the anti-war folks are up in arms about that.
They were also up in arms that the Iraqi emigre opposition was being listened to so closely or given so much support. “Those folks are out of touch with the people of Iraq. They have no support there. They’ve got their own self-aggrandizing agendas. They’re not democractically elected.” So now that they’re not automatically being made the new rulers of Iraq, it’s considered a bad thing?
The Kurdish situation is different. Ideally, I wouldn’t mind seeing an independent Kurdistan. The world community, though, is generally loathe to see new countries carved out of old ones, and certainly Turkey, both one of our allies and a key to an Iraqi war, doesn’t want to see an independent Kurdistan.
Frankly, the Kurds will be better off with a free and united Iraq than they are now (where they are “free” only because of the US interdiction of Iraqi air power over the north). And there’s always time for autonomy discussions in the future.
Demand that serious reconstruction efforts begin in Afghanistan, along with planning for more of the same for a post-Saddam Iraq. Demand that the fruits of exploitation of Iraq’s petroleum riches be reserved for the people of Iraq, not foreign oil companies.
I have no problem with that.
In a similar vein, why not get serious about U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft’s flagrant violations of fundamental constitutional rights? If we are for democracy and liberty in Iraq, why not in the U.S.A.? Let’s face it, your overcooked-noodle criticism of the Administration in this context gives milquetoast a bad name.
Well, it’s a bit off-topic, but, sure, I’m not happy with the sorts of things that the DoJ has been doing, or floating. Technically it’s only unconstitutional if it’s so ruled by a court, but anyone can throw the label around, I suppose. Certainly, though, Reynolds has been no friend of Ashcroft, and calling it a limp criticism is sorely unfair. It is possible to support a war on Iraq and be opposed to aspects of homeland security in the US.
3. Support democracy: Saddam is a dictator. (Some Republican senators’ prior statements to the contrary notwithstanding). You can bet that, if Saddam was not overthrown, a lot of people who currently support that overthrow would demand democratic elections for Iraq. But if it’s good to demand them now, surely it’s right to demand guarantees for them afterwards, rather than settle for a U.S. colonial administration or some new autocrat. Right?
See #2.
Is Germany a democracy? Is Japan? If you’re concerned that the US is not going to be dedicated to serious, long-term reconstruction efforts in Iraq, what makes you think the US is going to have some sort of long-term “colonial administration” there instead?
If those are the three best suggestions Max can come up with (even setting aside his casual ad hominems of how “the pro-war movement” looks like “a gaggle of armchair, video-game playing jingoists”), I’m not particularly impressed. Nor do I see any place where I, for one, am being hypocritical.